Tuesday, February 28, 2023

Core Response #3 - Abby

    According to Gray, representations of blackness on TV in the 1980s resulted not only from shifts in the social and cultural ideology of the time, but also due to the changes that occurred within and around the big three television networks (ABC, CBS, NBC). These changes included the addition of a fourth network (Fox), a decline in viewers due to the rise of cable programming, new technologies such as video games and VHS tapes and recorder, and the political and institutional reorganization of the television industry. Narrowcasting was used as a strategy by the networks, defining audiences according to more precise demographics that included race, gender, class, and age, as a way to negotiate “an increasingly complex and competitive environment” (66). Gray says that the networks were beginning to lose affluent and middle-class whites to cable and so turned to “an underserved and reliable pool of viewers” who were there “waiting to be served (or, at the very least, acknowledged)” (67). The networks’ interest in representations of blackness during this time was not driven by “sudden cultural interest in black matters or some noble aesthetic goals on the part of executives” but rather, by economics. 

    Writing around twenty years after Gray’s chapter on the social production of blackness in the 1980s, Warner discusses a similar point in her article about Issa Rae’s Insecure. She says (in reference to Gray’s more recent work) “that it is neither goodwill nor a belief in equity that define when networks take on Black shows; rather, that they serve a purpose in establishing or reestablishing a brand through calculated risk”. In both texts, the authors point out that underneath these “risks” or strategies to engage with representations of blackness are assumptions that the “normative,” mainstream, and primarily targeted audience is white. This made me think of the assumption of a centered whiteness in media and technology beyond the scope of television. We see how pervasive this centered whiteness can be (despite perhaps the good intentions of the producers and creators of media and technology) when story after story appears reporting on the racial biases of various types of media and technology, ranging from social media algorithms to something as seemingly innocuous as an automatic soap dispenser. Media and technology shape culture as much as reflect culture and often inadvertently reveal just how deep systemic racism runs. 


    In the current television landscape, racial bifurcation or colorblind casting maybe be strategies employed by networks to secure a “universal” audience, but it also seems like in the age of endless streaming platforms there is more niche marketing and narrowcasting than ever. Streaming platforms seem to offer series which indeed cater to specific demographics, allowing viewers a more diverse selection to choose from than broadcast or even cable networks were able (or willing) to offer. While this feels liberating in a sense to see diverse identities and stories reflected on screen, especially stories that have historically been excluded or misrepresented, is there perhaps a risk of going too narrow? If we are continuously and willfully exposing ourselves to only the stories that matter to us or are in line with our identities and politics, what gets left out? 


Friday, February 24, 2023

Musings on the Realities of Reality

    I found the cultural interests of our readings this week rather engaging. It’s a big part of where my own research interests lie, and I’ve been curious to see some of Ellen Seiter’s work on audience studies since I knew she was faculty here. I personally am very invested in the application of anthropological methods to media studies as I believe the crossover of cultural studies between the two have a lot of potential. I have a degree in cultural anthropology and have always been fascinated by the effect and intersection of visual media on societies.

There is so much I could wax on about both Ellen and Henry Jenkin’s work, but for now I want to examine a fascinating cultural interaction I recently watched taking place on reality TV. In light especially of last week’s concept of “the mall as television” (which one could also restate as “life/culture as television”) and the discussions we’ve had about women’s relationship to televisual narrative.

    I don’t watch a lot of reality TV as it is an oxymoron, and I’m not really the kind of person who hungers for fabricated interpersonal drama.

    But. I do know a little bit about French culture. And when I saw a trailer for an upcoming Love Trip: Paris dating show, where American women were set up with French suitors, I knew I had to watch the ultimate culture clash that was about to go down.

    I was surprised however by several things. I had expected the Americans to be at a disadvantage due to ignorance. I had swallowed some of the return stereotypes Europe directs at the US: Americans as brash and stupid. I’ve witnessed some embarrassing proofs a few times myself. However it was the French ignorance that was at the heart of the central dramas to the show, and rather than being a fun way to self-deprecate a little, the show quickly became sad.

    French love lives are very quick and very serious once started. They do not date much and when they say they are looking for a love connection they mean it and they mean it for forever.

Americans by contrast are a little more laissez-faire (ironically) about the concept. For Americans, “love” is impossible to predetermine, it is a happenstance of fate. Yes, these American girls are here for “love” but they don’t really know how it will look. They expect to “just know” when it hits them. American look for a “spark,” for coupe de foudre, again ironic.

    But the French make their relationships happen. They determinedly pursue romance like their name is Ishmael and if they catch someone, they defend their claim on them with extreme prejudice.

    I was not prepared for the level of jealousy and defensive aggression all of the French, different creeds, colors and genders aside, displayed within a single one-on-one date with one of the Americans. Or to witness the level of heartache and confusion the French went through when their American paramours would hang out with someone else alone, a French signal that the two hanging are serious about each other.

    Fight after fight ensued with confused French lovers accusing their American others of infidelity and undecidedness, which the Americans then took as red flag levels of sudden, inexplicable jealousy.

    It was as of the French didn’t know how reality competition dating shows worked. I sat there beginning to wonder if anyone had ever gathered the French and explained American dating to them, or the concept of an elimination dating show.

    It is a fundamental issue. A quick search to Google shows that there are almost no French dating style shows and those that do exist have the same level of seriousness as the French do in Love Trip.

    And knowing all this it begs the question of audience. Who is supposed to be watching this? It certainly isn’t the French. They would be screaming at their screens for the Americans’ behavior. So really this show is aimed at Americans. The Bachelorette audiences who love a good dramatic turn.

    The show banks on an American obsession with exoticism and the perceived eroticism of the foreign. It hopes no one realizes that Paris being the city of love is a bit more Romeo and Juliet than Casanova.

    And so we see some of the manipulation involved with “women’s television.” As so many of our authors have reflected on in the past few weeks, women’s relationship with television narrative is a continuum, and highly interlocutive, and I believe that women-targeted reality shows are perhaps aware of this more than most, and as such structures itself in an almost conversational, water-cooler gossip kind of way to draw in its loyal viewers.

    Much as Henry Jenkins muses on when it comes to Star Trek fandom, reality (tv), like the mall, creates a subcultural community around itself. Specifically with reality it is hard to discern the chicken and egg order: did reality TV cause the popular fandom, or did popular fandom create today’s reality empire? I think there is a reasonable argument for something more simultaneous, a co-creation of both product and the culture around it.

    This point may seem obvious, but when we consider the intent of the ethnography, it might be worth recognizing the significance and validity of a subculture that grows organically from an aspect of culture that has up to now been largely dismissed as a symptom of society and not necessarily a maker of it.

Week 6 Clips

 

Dick Hebdige, book image: 

https://www.filmandmedia.ucsb.edu/person/dick-hebdige/ 

 

Hebdige: go to slide 2 

https://www.slideshare.net/writrhet/cultures-subcultures-and-culture-jamming 

 

Angela McRobbie: Feminism and Youth Culture 

https://www.gold.ac.uk/media-communications/staff/mcrobbie/ 

 

https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-1-349-21168-5 

 

Henry Jenkins 

http://henryjenkins.org/ 

 

SNL Fan Parody 

http://www.criticalcommons.org/Members/howtowatchTV/clips/shatner-takes-on-star-trek-fans-on-snl/view 

 

Look at slash videos: 

Star Trek: 

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3uxTpyCdriY&list=PL48A1D34A7229501E&index=1 

 

Starsky + Hutch: 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0ftdlLOyX_0 

Buffy: 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BwG8AHp2i-E&list=PLnpcWt3Xo_mO-eqFhnOVEP503VCeA_sAP 

 

Fans at Mardi Gras: Krewe of Coolidge 

https://www.fox8live.com/video/2023/02/21/krewe-coolidge-pays-mardi-gras-homage-new-orleans-based-actress-jennifer-coolidge/ 

 

Transformative Works and Culture: 

http://www.transformativeworks.org/ 

 

Ellen Seiter: 

https://af.hkbu.edu.hk/en/faculty-members/ellen-elizabeth-seiter 

Stuart Hall: Reception Theory: 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U7RO60SkDbw 

 

Pee Wee's Playhouse: 6 min. then 12 min.  

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=w3VdDIHJkbQ 

 

Kristen Warner: 

https://as.cornell.edu/news/new-faculty-kristen-warner 

https://valentchamber.com/ 

 

Olivia and Fitz: 

https://scandal.fandom.com/wiki/Olivia_and_Fitz 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wNQVj216UZ0 

  

Marc Andrejevic 

https://research.monash.edu/en/persons/mark-andrejevic 

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Television_Without_Pity 

 


Core Response #3 (Devin Glenn)

This week, I found Henry Jenkins' piece on Star Trek particularly insightful. In his introduction, Jenkins points out the issues with classifying fandoms as groups of cultural degenerates, and instead proposes that fans “fragment texts and resemble the broken shards according to their own blueprints” (a sort of “cultural bricolage”) in order to create networks which can effectively reappropriate cultural texts to meet specific needs and interests (472, 471). Although this phenomenon which “blurs all boundaries between producers and consumers” has existed since at least the 1980s, when Jenkins wrote this piece, it has certainly become even more prominent since the advent of social media and TikTok in particular (Jenkins 473).

As I read Jenkins’ words, a possible idea I could use for my final paper began to form in my mind. One recent, delightfully bizarre trend on TikTok is the subcategory of FlopTok—videos dedicated to celebrating iconic failures. Rather than being a forum for making fun of individuals, however, the app users who comprise this subset of TikTok genuinely love those they refer to as “flop icons.” And with the rise of FlopTok as come the concept of Floptropica—an imaginary island empire where only those who are “slay” (female and/or queer identifying) can become citizens (or “flops”). Though the title of “flop” is ostensibly self-deprecating, it actually stands as a reappropriation which allows for a safehaven that rejects toxic masculinity. This shared value—symbolized by the “flops” constant battle with their archenemies (known as “da boyz”)—could be seen as the societal need which led this imagined community to engage in the process of “cultural bricolage” (Jenkins 471). Countless videos on FlopTok from a plethora of different accounts retell the invented history of Floptropica, and anyone is welcome to add to the online lore. This TikTok fandom, which is emerging real time, shares many similarities with the Trekkie fandom described by Jenkins in his piece, making it a fascinating object of inquiry that I plan on delving more fully into as part of my final paper for this course.



 

jackie maldonado replies to onyinye's blogpost number 2

Hold on, I want to reply to Onyinye’s “Angela Bassett Did The Thing” expose but I am too emotionally charged by the hail storm from earlier today to figure out why my comments are not working so, alas, here I am again.

I did not see this full clip until now. I had no idea what this was from. I think early last week I saw “comments by celebs” make an Instagram post about it and thought, ha, funny, Angela Bassett does all the things so they have a point. Maybe some point after I saw the clip of Ariana Debose singing the same line for two or three seconds. Maybe dots connected, most likely they connected the wrong way, because tonight was the first night I saw this whole (or, well, larger) clip of her performance. Dots, from things heard and read throughout the week and possibly beyond for I can never know if I am actually telling time correctly, were finally collected because of this hyperlink to a Twitter clip of a live and televised performance.

Now, I’ve never seen the BAFTA’s. I probably heard about them, knew they were something of some importance and for some kinds of creatives but unfortunately put that information away to instead absorb Love Trip: Paris, and most of all I recognize this as a live televised award show, but I haven’t experienced it live nor on television.

How many of us only know of this performance from a thing seen on another thing or referenced through a third thing? The event itself is televised and made to be delivered to audiences through television, but who can say they actually experienced this in a “television” context? Does this change the content or the event itself? Does this mean the SAG awards are onto something going to Netflix? I don’t have any answers here, obviously, but just knowing Angela Bassett did the thing is not enough. The thing was meant for television, is watching her do it on my low-power mode iPhone justifiable? 

Core Response #3, Mike Goemaat

In thinking about this week’s readings on television and its audience, I was able to connect Seiter and Jenkins’ pieces to one of my favorite shows - and a current scholarly fascination - the Norwegian online teen drama SKAM. In “Qualitative Audience Research,” Ellen Seiter examines the gaps in ethnographic research between mass communications methodologies and those in cultural studies, and argues that whereas cultural studies situates media in context, mass communications studies reduce content “to verbal summaries of observable events on screen” (Seiter, 463). She suggests that one of the causes of this divide is driven by geographic difference in research methods. As such, I found it prescient that I have recently read two ethnographic pieces by scholars Vilde Schanke Sundet and Line Nybro Petersen on SKAM fandom participation. In “Ins and Outs of Transmedia Fandom,” Sundet and Petersen interview their participants to locate their “entry and exit points” in a digital fan community, suggesting that fans can be attracted to fan spaces on intrapersonal, social, and transmedial levels (8). These same entrance points, however, could also become reasons to remove oneself from fandom. In “Play Moods Across the Life Course in SKAM Fandom,” the authors examine the same interviewees, only this time, they locate the different ways that fans become “absorbed by the play world of the fan community,” and the various moods (devoted, intense, euphoric, and tense) of their play (127). What does this have to do with Seiter’s piece? Both pieces rely on the type of cultural studies research that Seiter highlights on pg 464: the authors avoid quantification except in the interest of methodological transparency and close read participants’ responses to extract deeper meaning behind their fan engagement. Furthermore, they support her belief in the usefulness of this type of research and provide a contemporary example where the ethnographic model does not ask its participants to decode a text, per se, but to decode their own participation in their chosen fan communities. They cultivate reflexivity.

Turning to Jenkins, I was struck by his overarching idea that fans become “textual poachers” by reclaiming their favorite texts through reproduction. Discussing the ways a show can live on after it has ended, Jenkins writes:  "the one text shatters and becomes many texts as it is fit into the lives of the people who use it, each in her or his own way, each for her or his own purposes" (Jenkins 490). A show may end, but as fans reinterpret its storylines and invent new ones, the text takes on new meanings. Through this (re)creation, the text becomes imbued with meanings that are intensely personal to the creator, whether they intend to share them widely or not. 

To offer a contemporary example of fan poaching that, to paraphrase Eileen, has been poached back by the original creators, I turn to a moment from SKAM’s fourth and final season. Each season focuses on the same friend group, but the season’s events are shown from the point-of-view of a new character who receives their own contained season-long story arc. Creator Julie Andem never strayed from this format, but the unexpected, viral popularity of the show’s third season meant that fans were hungry for more information about their favorite couple, Isak and Even, even if the show’s structure meant they were not likely to get it. Season 4’s first episode, however, includes a scene with Isak and Even that is not an original idea, but rather a recreation of a piece of artwork by Instagram user elli_skam. Such a choice, scholar Myles McNutt writes, suggests an awareness on the creators’ part “to acknowledge the intensity of the global “Evak” fandom despite the format of the show not really being situated to continue to focus on it.” Because the show’s POV has shifted to Sana, Isak’s story is effectively complete. Nevertheless, the Instagram artist became a textual producer, imagining a new scene with their favorite couple, and the integration of the fan artwork into the new season demonstrates the creator’s interest in serving this portion of their fan community. I find this to be a fascinating example of fan involvement “forcing [the text] to respond to their needs,” (i.e. more “Evak” content) and the actual producers of the show feeling an obligation to fulfill this need, an act not performed elsewhere in the show until this point (Jenkins 490). There is another conversation to be had about how virality may contribute to such a decision, but for the sake of wrapping up this blog post, I will conclude by saying that in the case of SKAM, even when the proprietor has poached back, the fan is still the one who holds the power. 

Instagram user elli_skam's original artwork
The artwork recreated in Season 4, Episode 1 "Du hater å henge med oss (You hate hanging out with us)" for no clear reason other than an act of (pretty cool) fan service.
 
Sources
McNutt, Myles. "Putting Skam into perspective: Narrative focus and Skam’s growing fandom." Cultural Learnings. 

Petersen, Line Nybro, and Vilde Schanke Sundet. “Play Moods across the Life Course in SKAM Fandom.” Journal of Fandom Studies, vol. 7, no. 2, 2019, pp. 113–131.

Sundet, Vilde Schanke, and Line Nybro Peteresen. “Ins and Outs of Transmedia Fandom: Motives for Entering and Exiting the SKAM Fan Community Online.” Poetics (Amsterdam), vol. 84, 2021 101510. 

core response 01_jacqueline maldonado

I clearly and frequently talk about what keeps me from watching “new” things. Lucky for all of us, Henry Jenkins has reminded me of another glaring fear: the fandom. Granted not every series has an in-depth following like Star Trek, the modern MCU, or Harry Potter, but every piece of fan promotion for a series of any capacity calls attention to the group behind it. As frequented by Jenkins there always lies a sense of ownership from members of a fandom, a personal stake and “commitment to some degree of conformity to the original program material as well as a perceived right to evaluate the legitimacy of any use of those materials” (486).

While fans may ingrain themselves in the direct narrative through a “fix it fic”—to which Jenkins touches in discussions of fan writers describing themselves as “repairing the damage” of the original programming’s issues regarding female character work—the material as flawed as it may be to them becomes as much their intellectual property as the actual creators (479). The content at hand stands to feed a “desire to remain faithful to those aspects of the show that first captured their interests” contributing to the poaching metaphor Jenkins runs the essay on and the ultimate toxicity that underlines the very existence of a fandom (486). Ownership over fiction dominos into ownership of a world and a decided status quo from which a fandom may break apart like a dispute in the crypto blockchain. Interestingly, the very communities and hive-minds early fandoms were built both on and against seem to have been thwarted; every show is fraught with the normally harmless shipping arguments, opposing character analysis, and even random headcanons.

The resulting participatory culture, while contributing to another means of consumption and entertainment, stands as much as a roadblock to a series as a bad trailer. My hesitance from starting Wednesday comes less from genuine disinterest and more the fear of what’s going to happen when I choose to ruin my heteronormative friends' view of the series and very clearly ship Wednesday Adams with the blonde chick in the pink coat, like, ugh, the power of romantic foils right guys?

While the concept of fandom ownership of original material may serve as the basis for modern communities and spectator practices, the reality is it has dangerously evolved as much as any organized sport. This is coming from someone who spent their high school years apart of the Netflix Voltron reboot fandom, a group that somehow both saved and demolished the trajectory of an entire series with a single homoerotic analysis. Jenkins is nothing but correct in his analysis of this growing culture along pure viewership, but the inevitability of participatory culture has its drawbacks when you just want to watch a show as it exists and not as it stands as a cultural object. 

But, more importantly, I must ask: who else here ships Kirk and Spock?

Core Response #2: Josh Martin

In reading "Star Trek Rerun, Reread, Rewritten," Henry Jenkins' essay on fan communities and their relationship to "textual poaching," I find myself torn in opposing intellectual directions. In one regard, Jenkins' configuration of fandom as "a vehicle for marginalized subcultural groups (women, the young, gays, etc.) to pry open space for their cultural concerns within dominant representations" still has some purchase as a textual strategy (472). Essentially, Jenkins argues that fans of science fiction shows and major franchises carve out their own space within this textual ecosystem, reading films and series against the grain and reproducing their own meanings. In Jenkins' understanding of fan communities, this results not in academic criticism but in fan fiction and other content that signifies how the original text "can and must be rewritten in order to make it more responsive to their needs" (472). Fandom is thus a political act; rather than participating in hegemony, it resists and challenges such an idea, opening up space for wide range of textual readings. 

In another regard, I find myself questioning the extent to which "fandom" can be generalized in this manner. Though Jenkins himself acknowledges that the article does not "represent the last word on Star Trek" fans (or fans in general), I find that its skew towards binaries and general claims to be somewhat limiting (472). Later in the piece, Jenkins contrasts Star Trek fan fiction with the Lucasfilm empire's rigid control of its central texts, citing an editorial by C.A. Siebert that "asserts the rights of fanzine writers to consciously revise the character of the original texts" (475). Fans are thus in a permanent and continual state of tension with corporations. But is this something that can be extrapolated to fans in general -- or is this specific to the fans that Jenkins centers his analysis on, the women and marginalized communities who form the foundation of fan writing (476)? What about the fans who exclude those groups, the fans who seem, in the contemporary moment, to still resist the inclusion of other groups in their spaces through intense gatekeeping practices? Is fandom still not a predominantly male practice in popular culture that reproduces exclusionary spaces? Is Jenkins' essay really reclaiming fandom as a practice -- or merely the potential for subversive practices within fan activity? 

What I'm getting at in some ways is the necessary of questioning the extent to which Jenkins' essay, published in 1988, remains relevant in 2023, both in terms of our current culture's understanding of fandom and popular culture's broader relationship with fan-centric texts. Writing at a time in which fans were exclusively "characterized as 'kooks' obsessed with trivia, celebrities, and collectibles," some unholy combination of "repetitive compulsion, infantile regression, commodity fetishism, nostalgic complacency, and future shock" (470), Jenkins' analysis serves as a much-needed corrective to a universal narrative. But what does fandom mean in a post-Gamergate moment? What does it mean after The Last Jedi? How do we understand and comprehend a world in which the relationship between fans and corporations has changed, with the balance of power shifting in major ways? What does it mean to be a fan in an era where comic book movies represent the dominant cultural force? What does it mean to "reclaim works that others regard as worthless and trash" (471) at a time when fans, who have now amassed significant cultural cachet and power, insist that their beloved objects (some of the most popular money-makers in the world) be read as high art? I leave this questions as something of a pointed provocation for further consideration. 

Core Response #2 - Larcom

Fan engagement with media has been a lifelong interest and fascination of mine, and I have a lot of thoughts about the nuances of fandom and fan behavior. I found Warner's piece particularly illuminating. It made me reflect on my own experiences in fan spaces throughout the course of my life—namely queer and trans-dominated fandom spaces. I'm not attempting to equivalate my white queer fandom experience with that of Black women in fandom, but that piece had me thinking about how marginalized viewers and fans read both into and onto the TV text: we extrapolate or infer from watered-down or subtextual moments, as well as reflect our own lived realities onto the characters. Her discussions of Twitter and Tumblr fandom felt incredibly familiar and spot-on to me as a person who has at times been very heavily involved in fandom on those websites. 

It also got me thinking about community-building in fandom spaces, as well. Jenkins' piece also reminded me of my own fandom experiences, and particularly a lot of the intra-community fandom discussions that happen where it comes to drawing a consensus about the source material. It seems that in the current day and age, the idea of "alternate universes" as well as queer interpretations are not only more accepted, but have become the norm (at least the corners of the internet I've spent time on). 

When he mentioned the "uncontrollable proliferation of meanings from their texts," I think that largely hits on the main appeal of fandom—specifically fan meta and fanfiction. It's interesting, though, because he describes creators at this time of being at odds with this proliferation of meanings. As a writing student/storyteller myself, one of the things I find most exciting about writing is this exact phenomenon: that I can write something, intending one thing or perhaps not intending anything at all, and that ten different people might draw ten different insights and meanings of their own from it. 

Each individual brings their own life and their own experience to the table when engaging with any given narrative, and it's inextricable from the way they participate with and react to said narrative. This informs the way fans build space together and interact with one another. 

Thursday, February 23, 2023

Core Response #2 -- Lavin

 Reading Henry Jenkin’s piece on Star Trek fandom got me thinking a lot about modern fandom in the age of the internet. My experience with fandom was heavily informed by my high school presence on Tumblr during the golden years of fandom (for me it was 2012-2016).  Nowhere is Michel de Certeau’s notion of the reader as a “poacher” more true than it was in the environment of Tumblr during the 2010’s. A piece of media was seen largely as a jumping off point, a blueprint that would be taken by the fandom and expanded in thousands of different directions that Jenkins could have never predicted in 1988. Jenkins reflects on the Kirk/ Spock fandom as one of the most subversive elements of the Star Trek community, with many fans finding it too far a digression from the source material. This same impulse was a major element of 2010s Tumblr fandom. Starved for representation, the LGBTQ community was able to use fandom to “poach” representation from their favorite forms of media, even if the creators never intended that kind of interpretation. It was impossible to be on Tumblr during the 2010s without encountering fandoms for the television shows Supernatural and Sherlock. Both of these fandoms heavily focused on gay ships: Dean and Castiel in Supernatural, Sherlock and Watson in Sherlock. The problem was that, despite the urging of fans, neither one of the relationships was ever confirmed, and in both cases, the creators of the shows actively disliked this fan interpretation. This mirrors the relationship between women and Star Trek analyzed in the article — when a group that is dismissed by society and not given the representation they crave, fandom serves as a place where these groups can create that representation on their own, ignoring the parameters dictated by the creators. 

A more modern fandom that this got me thinking about is the Succession fandom. What I find interesting about the Succession fandom is the discrepancy between how the show presents itself and the audience that it seems to  effect the most. Succession, on the surface, is all about sneaky business deals, backstabbing, wealth, and power. And yet, it is a running joke that the core of the fandom is young, mentally ill women. Go on Tik Tok and you’ll find countless edits of sad Roy siblings set to sad Mitski music. Kendall Roy, the main character of the show, is often referred to in the fandom as “babygirl,” with countless young women claiming that this forty year old billionaire business man is “just like me.” This discrepancy follows the difference between male and female viewers, highlighted in Jenkin’s article. Male viewers are more interested in “physical action leading to physical resolution.” Will Waystar Royco acquire the rival company? Will Kendall succeed in ousting his father as CEO? Meanwhile, the female viewers are far more interested in “psychological action leading to psychological resolution.” Will Shiv ever allow someone to love her? Will Kendall ever heal from his trauma and escape the legacy of his father? Female viewers are so invested in Succession because, despite its seemingly masculine content, it deals with many of the psychological issues they face in their daily life as women— the need to be loved, the inability to escape one’s family, the ugly ways unresolved trauma manifests itself. This highlights the power of fandom to draw out elements of a piece of media that may have gone ignored in the more mainstream, masculine interpretation. 

Onyinye's Blogpost Number 2: Did you know that Angela Bassett did the thing?

https://twitter.com/MediumSizeMeech/status/1628037074342359040?s=20 \

I cannot escape it, and I have included the link here so you all cannot escape it either. Oscar winner Ariana Debose was the opening performance at the BAFTAs, a perfomance that will continue to live rent free in my head for God knows how long. Debose's performance was a shoutout to women in the industry in the crowd at the show and garnered several reactions on twitter. I cannot stop singing it. There is no rhyme or reason to this post other than the fact that  Angela Bassett did the thing; Viola Davis, our woman king; Blanchett Cate you're a genius, and Jamie is all of us. 


Goodnight. 

Core Response #2 by Onyinyechukwu Chidi-Ogbolu

For my second core response, I choose to focus on Kristen Warner's, “ABC’s Scandal and Black Women’s Fandom”. This comes across as a somewhat expected choice, seeing as I am a black woman, one who actively participates in fandom practices (although, Scandal is not one of my fandoms of choice). However, this response focuses not on life as a member of the fandom, but on efforts made by television producers to include black women in their narratives. 

The basis for this response is the following quote from the text: 

"Similar to Washington racebending to become Julius Caesar for an official production, fans racebend to reinsert versions of themselves into texts within which they have long been ignored. In one online community for women fan fiction writers of color called The Chamber, the writers are allowed to write whatever they want, provided that the main character is a woman of color. This opens up a world of possibilities, because they can transform Jane Austen’s Pride and Prejudice by making its lead, Elizabeth Bennett, a Black woman. Adjusting the story world to accommodate the reality of a Black Elizabeth Bennett, the narrative can be molded to adapt to the needs of a Black lead." (39)

Warner notes that when fanfiction writers racebend existing characters, they also adjust the story world to that of a Black character. This is what I believe to be noticeably missing in the racebending that occurs in the film and tv industry. It is not enough to simply engage in colorblind casting, a person's race is a huge determinant of their life experience and thus when casting people of color, specifically Black women, the character must be molded to fit that experience. This is why it is imperative to have people of color writing their own stories and in charge of their own narratives. As the Black women in fandoms fill in the gaps their tv shows fail to for themselves, having Black women involved in these productions will, not eliminate, but at least reduce the need for them to do so. Rather than change the narrative to fit the experiences, they (we) can simply revel in the joys of being represented, and done so well.


Core Response #4 by Marina Massidda

 2/22

Jenkins describes how negative stereotypes surrounding fan culture “...isolate potential fans from others who share common interests and reading practices and marginalize fan-related activities as outside the mainstream and beneath dignity”(472). He argues that fan activities détourn mass culture so as to make popular culture participatory, a product of their margin-informed meaning creation from dominant texts. However, it strikes me that the fan activities he describes, such as the creation of erotic fan-fiction, are decidedly outside the mainstream and certainly indifferent to a conventional standard of dignity.  Why legitimate fans by assigning them a place in dominant culture, when there is perhaps something more generative to examining their alterity? I also find his assignment of fan culture to marginalized groups a bit simplistic, especially with the category of “women.” While it fascinates me that women are behind much romantic fanfic, I’m interested in the specificities of fan demographics, even to the extent that they overlap with fan stereotypes. The truth is, much of fan culture is generated by subjects who are not only marginalized in an easily defined or palatable sense, but are sometimes neurodivergent, extremely online, and often exhibit an unorthodox relationship to fantasy usually expected to expire after childhood.  By dismissing these lived experiences entirely, doesn’t Jenkins risk perpetuating the notion that social marginality is inherently negative? 

With online subgroups, fan conventions, fanfic canons, etc. I get the impression that fans are not attempting to carve out a niche for themselves in the mainstream, but rather to diverge from it as they please. What if spectator culture does not have to be participatory in order to be legitimate? What do we make of mass cultural texts such as Star Trek actually enabling or inspiring the social secession of self-selecting groups?  What I find most interesting about the piece is his discussion of female-led erotic Star Trek fan fiction, which again, I see as markedly deviant and unconcerned with its absorption into the source text.  Female fandom I think is generally underexplored, and in that sense should be introduced broadly into public consciousness. Afterall, part of why I personally am not drawn to a lot of traditionally nerdy male fandoms and sci-fi genres is I tend to find them pretty sexless—aesthetically, narratively, emotionally, etc. I don’t mean in the literal sense, I mean that they’re devoid of the kind of libidinally charged beauty that might keep me interested in some speculative fantasy about outer space. Rather than focusing on redeeming fans and their admittedly extremely weird predilections and social disposition, I think it’s interesting to think about how fans can redeem the source texts. I can concede to Jenkins that he’s helped me see how fans can salvage these source franchises from being moralistic, commercial, heteronormative, colonialist, etc., in order to oust a much more honest, collective desire for deviance. 


Wednesday, February 22, 2023

Core Response #2 by Celeste Oon

The readings for this week all nicely complemented one another, despite each being published over a decade apart. One of Warner’s quotes particularly stood out to me, when discussing why Black women’s fandom has been marginalized within fan studies: “While fan studies traditionally understood fandom as a space that negotiates the subordinated tastes of particularly disempowered bodies, critical and industrial perspectives on fandom in the early twenty-first century have distanced fan practices from this origin point, reinventing fandom as a non-identity-specific-yet-common-interests phenomenon” (34).

This speaks to Jenkins’ piece well, since it was published in 1988, but of course influenced those that came after. I spoke about this topic with others several weeks ago, but nerd fandom was one of the first types of fandom to be “legitimized” (or rather, unpathologized). One of the reasons for this was because the leading voices of then-emerging fan studies belonged to fans of “nerd” culture. Jenkins, among other scholars, pushed back against societal stigmas of fans, making an argument that sci-fi fans could indeed be taken seriously. This work was in many ways necessary in the early days as counter-discourse to dominant mainstream narratives. But it also served to solidify the identity of the fan as a white, straight, cis male by default. Early fan studies, in its focus on male- and white-dominated sci-fi fandoms, erased struggles that women, non-binary individuals, people of color, and other marginalized groups experienced in these spaces. Like Warner stated earlier, in attempting to describe fandom as a community of the “disempowered,” it failed to give voices to those who continued to be disempowered in these spaces of supposed resistance. Even today, fan studies continues to have the same struggles, though there have been great efforts by many scholars to diversify the field and explicitly name the populations they are studying. If anyone is interested in reading some great work on race and fandom, Rukmini Pande’s Squee from the Margins: Fandom and Race, and Fandom, Now in Color: A Collection of Voices (edited collection) are a great place to start.

I will say that Jenkins does mention some interesting things about the gendered nature of fan practices in his piece. His account, along with Warner’s exposition of how Black female fans of Scandal exercise their fandom, are a great example of how female fans create meaning for themselves in spaces that may be unfulfilling or othering. In building out gendered fan practices, however, one must be careful in not perpetuating potentially harmful stereotypes. Early fandom studies attributed knowledge-building and competitive trivia as male-gendered practices when it was in reality largely driven by the object (presence of lore in sci-fi fandoms), which in part contributed to the delegitimization of fan practices in female-dominant fandoms (e.g. obsessed screaming teenage girls).

Core Response #3 by Lewis Brown

Eileen ended her blog post with reference to the (increasing?) inversion of Henry Jenkins' describing fan activities as textual poaching: "The rapidity with which fan labor and content is co-opted opens a question of what cultural 'poaching' even looks like today, when so often, it is the franchises and corporations who are poaching from us (Jenkins 471)." This dynamic, which Eileen sets up and articulates nicely, is also on my mind in thinking through issues of fandom—facilitated in no small part by digital media ecosystems which "democratize" content creation (a word of which we should be skeptical in both its veracity and its connotations), the labor of fans is all the more immediately subsumed back into the omnivorous sphere of shows and franchises' "original" hegemonic authors/distributors. However, my language here suggests (as Jenkins does) that textual poaching, prior to its recuperation, succeeds in discarding the hegemonic frame of the material and its creators. There's a crude if compelling pre/post-social media split to think about here: if the labor of fandom is happening in the always-already corporately prescribed sites of Web 2.0, there's an infrastructural facilitation of this recuperation in the affordances of, say, quote tweeting, reframing under the blue checkmarked hegemons of textual authority previous efforts to reframe outside of it. But again: I presuppose an investment and a qualified success in fan activity moving beyond the "original" hegemonic frame. The digital recuperation of fan labor, the extraction of its surplus, might read as less of a novel phenomenon if we apply pressure to the notion that fan activity indeed succeeds, or even invests in, sustaining a world textual or political beyond the hegemony of the source material. That is, how much might a Kirk/Spock ship truly invert the structures of textual authority, as opposed to demonstrating a remarkable fungibility to a (televisual) textual frame that readily recuperates and subsumes even those remediations of its world that might read as radical change?

Pursuing this line of questioning means taking seriously a political valence to the question of (especially televisual) authorship as a practice of world-making that clearly begets, via fan activity, an interest in, at least, altering (reforming) its terms. The split Jenkins notes between the differing attitudes towards fandom (read, towards flexibility in the notion of a hegemonic textual-authorial frame) between Roddenberry on the one hand and Paramount on the other already gestures, however obliquely and simplistically, toward an imbrication of this question with that of capital: the pluralist, liberal-minded Roddenberry welcomes a plurality of liberal readings of Star Trek's textual world; the textual-authoritarian, profit-minded Paramount sees a threat to profit, if not (implicitly?) to textual authority, in the possibility of democratizing ownership of the decision-making processes in Star Trek's world-state.

Certain questions, in either case, are not asked. The liberals of the Roddenberry reform school of fanzines, however ambivalently welcoming of Kirk/Spock, circle around questions of what Jenkins notes some fans (quite alarmingly) refer to as "character rape" (487), maintaining, even in questions of acceptable degrees of incremental change, an author/ity to the original construction of the text/world/state, equating violation of its terms with assault. (The gendered connotations of the language here are worth pausing on: what, in the vernacular, other than women, do we see as at risk of "rape" if not the sovereignty of a people's claim to their land, a pairing—Mother Russia, Lady Liberty—so often similarly gendered?) Certain guiding principles of textual sovereignty are unchallenged, principles which I want to argue, however provisionally, align considerably with those of empire. Star Trek, Star Wars, the MCU, and Scandal, colloquially our three examples of fan culture closest at hand plus one ostensible counter-example explored by this week's readings, each take up manifestations of imperial power, American by name in all but Star Wars and by connotation in all four. Each, moreover, negotiates a certain version of a liberal engagement with power structures that we might understand as consonant with their historical moments (from "decolonization" to the "end of history"): Star Wars posits a big bad fascist Other against whom American empire constitutes itself and morally guarantees its claims to overseas/offworld authority, Star Trek and Marvel continue the increasingly diverse project of manifest destiny into the final frontier, Scandal's "post-race" intrigue is sited within the White House. It's easier to imagine Kirk/Spock than it is to imagine the USS Enterprise calling it a day.

I want to suggest, with considerable argumentative allowance for the short form of this blog post, that the practice of fandom is consonant with these textual sites that manifest continuities of imperial power. There is a resonance I've worked to elaborate between the presuppositions of fandom and liberalism, both of which are reliant, in their investment in pluralisms of identity, upon the author/itarianism of the hegemonic state, as guarantor of the coherence of the text/world whose imperial project is diversified but never challenged. This dynamic might in fact be best exemplified by the ways in which, as evidenced by the re-poaching of the poachers, the reformist aims of fan mediation seem inevitably to be subsumed under the authorial/authoritative frame of the textual producers, strengthening the authority of the author/state by appealing to its logics in service of incremental change.

Tuesday, February 21, 2023

Core Post #5 by Eileen DiPofi

        Henry Jenkins’s seminal fan studies text has gotten me thinking about how popular discourses surrounding “the fan” shift over time and in relation to different fan objects. Since I study early Hollywood, I found a lot of resonances between the ways that franchises like Star Trek, Star Wars, and the Marvel Cinematic Universe construct and commodify fandom, and fandom in early Hollywood. Around 1908, middle-class female audiences became central to the cinema’s attempts to legitimize itself as a social institution. The cultivation of fandom around certain texts, and particularly stars, quickly became an indispensable way for the industry to garner women’s investment in the cinema. Shelley Stamp has documented how female audiences were solicited as fans of early serials through “tie-ins” (promotional materials in newspapers and magazines), advertising based around female stars, and intertextual adaptations. As she writes in her influential monograph, Movie-Struck Girls, serials “offered multiple sites for consumption, most of which were located outside the space of the theater; and they encouraged viewers to see themselves as part of a community of fans (entering contests, gathering to play games, singing songs together), rather than as isolated ‘spectators’” (115). Much like Star Trek or Marvel’s creators solicit and commodify spectators’ affective investments by constructing an intertextual experience of fandom, early serials similarly created proto-franchises with multiple paratexts and points of entry into the story-world. Like in modern franchises, most sites of consumption “are located outside the space of the theater”; while Marvel in particular is extremely adept at getting audiences into the theater (an increasingly impressive achievement), this strategy would not be complete without the proliferation of extra-theatrical sites of consumption, from comic books to TV shows to Disneyland to People magazine’s Chris Evans “Sexiest Man Alive” issue. 

        Yet, one key difference between the industry’s imagined serial fan of the 1910s and the imagined Star Trek or Marvel fan (whether in the 1970s or present) is, in large part, gender. In the 1910s and 1920s, early Hollywood’s target audience member was largely a white, middle-class woman, and major infrastructure—like the fan magazine and, with it, the star system—developed around soliciting her investment. Thus, unlike the moment in which Jenkins is writing, when female fans of Star Trek must constantly negotiate a gender that is in opposition to the textually constructed position of the Star Trek fan, women were actively solicited by Hollywood, particularly through the fan magazine (see Anthony Slide, Inside the Hollywood Fan Magazine). With this shift in the gendered address of fan objects, we’ve also seen a shift in how fandom is pathologized. In the era of early Hollywood, with fandom as a decidedly feminine activity, critiques centered around the fear of women becoming too invested in their fan objects, from reports of hysteria after the death of Rudolph Valentino, to suspicions of women’s narcissism in their devotion to female stars. Arguably, this femeninization of fan practices carries over into the male “social misfit” that Jenkins’s reparative reading of Trekkers is responding to (472). The stereotypical image of the frail, nerdy, proto-incel “Trekkie” is rooted in his failure to achieve proper heterosexual masculinity.

        What remains constant throughout fandom’s evolutions is a tension between the industry’s production of fans and fan practices that, as Jenkins describes, contest creators’ authority over the text. Since early Hollywood, the industry has sought to manage fan behavior through a hegemonic process whereby it provides outlets for creative input that are incorporated into its own economic control. For example, in the 1910s and 1920s fan magazines often ran contests that invited women to contribute their ideas to a particular textual property; as Stamp argues, these “contests invite fans to participate in the ongoing construction of a text in a way that sanctions and legitimates activities in which fans are often engaged on their own, encouraging them to channel their interest back into the product itself, rather than circulating competing narratives” (122). This tension is epitomized in Jenkins’s example of the different responses Star Trek and Lucasfilm took to fan publications; whereas Lucasfilm aggressively enforced its copyright, Star Trek took a more relaxed approach, so long as fan publications remained non-profit. This latter response seems more tenable in the digital era when franchises and brands often benefit from the “free” labor of fans, frequently co-opting fan-produced content for their own purposes. It is not uncommon to see the Twitter accounts of media properties re-posting fan-created memes, or see the stars from shows interacting with and sharing fan-produced content. Recently, fans of the Netflix show Wednesday created a viral Tik Tok trend by recreating Wednesday Addams (Jenna Ortega)’s dance from the show, giving the show (and Lady Gaga, whose song they used) a ton of “free” publicity. Honestly, I had heard nothing about the show until I saw some of these reposted on my Twitter timeline (along with a million tweets about Jenna Ortega). The show responded by tweeting about the trend and re-focusing Ortega’s interviews around her role in choreographing it. The rapidity with which fan labor and content is co-opted opens a question of what cultural “poaching” even looks like today, when so often, it is the franchises and corporations who are poaching from us (Jenkins 471). 

 

Compilation of Wednesday Addams dance Tik Toks: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fPLQh5mBiEc. 



Valentino on the cover of Movie Weekly in 1923


Chris Evans on People's 2022 Sexiest Man Alive cover (downloading this image was humiliating for me)



Slide, Anthony. Inside the Hollywood Fan Magazine: A History of Star Makers, Fabricators, and Gossip Mongers. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2010.

Stamp, Shelley. Movie-Struck Girls: Women and Motion Picture Culture after the Nickelodeon. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000.

Friday, February 17, 2023